Introduction
On March 18, 2025, the President of Nigeria, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, in a televised national address, issued a proclamation declaring a state of emergency in Rivers State, an oil-producing region of the country. The President justified this decision by citing intelligence reports indicating a series of alarming incidents of pipeline vandalism perpetrated by militant groups. He further asserted that the crisis was amplified by an ongoing political conflict within the state, particularly between the Governor and the State House of Assembly, which had resulted in a breakdown of governance and law enforcement.[1] The President contended that the failure of the state government to address these security breaches necessitated federal intervention. Consequently, as part of the emergency measures, the President suspended the Governor of Rivers State, his deputy, and all members of the State House of Assembly. However, the judicial arm of the state government was not included in the suspension, leaving the courts operational despite the drastic political restructuring.
The President’s action ignited widespread debate, raising critical questions regarding the extent of his constitutional powers to declare a state of emergency within a federating unit. In particular, concerns were raised about whether this authority extends to the suspension of a duly elected Governor and lawmakers of a State House of Assembly, who derive their mandate from the electorate. In this view, this article seeks to critically examine the constitutional implications of such an executive action, particularly its impact on the governance structure of the state. It will further attempt to interrogate the extent to which a presidential declaration of a state of emergency can justifiably alter the balance of power between the executive and legislative branches at the state level. Additionally, the analysis will explore the legality and constitutional validity of suspending elected state officials within the framework of Nigeria’s federal system.
The constitutional framework governing the declaration of a state of emergency in Nigeria
A state of emergency is a situation in which a government is given emergency legal powers to steer the country through a crisis or extraordinary situation to protect its citizens, it follows a declaration made by the government in response to extreme circumstances ranging from natural disaster, armed conflict, civil unrest, or an epidemic.[2]
As a democratically regulated country, Nigeria operates under the supremacy of the 1999 Constitution (as amended), which serves as the fons et origo—the ultimate source of legal authority. The Constitution not only establishes the fundamental principles of governance but also delineates the powers and functions of the three arms of government: the executive, legislature, and judiciary.
Within this constitutional framework, the President of Nigeria is entrusted with specific powers to address grave threats to national security, public order, or the stability of any part of the federation and this includes a declaration of a state of emergency. The legal basis for this authority is found in Section 305 of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, which outlines the circumstances under which a state of emergency may be declared.
Pursuant to Section 305, the President may issue a Proclamation of a State of Emergency through an instrument published in the Official Gazette of the Government of the Federation.[3] However, this power is not exercised in isolation; it is subject to legislative oversight. Once a state of emergency is declared, the President is mandated to transmit copies of the proclamation to the President of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives.[4] Upon receipt, both presiding officers must convene their respective legislative chambers to deliberate on the situation and determine whether to approve or reject the proclamation through a formal resolution.[5] This legislature ratifying the power of the president to declare a state of emergency underscores the principle of checks and balances, ensuring that the power is not exercised arbitrarily or beyond constitutional limits.
While the President has the authority to declare an emergency, such power is not absolute and can only be invoked under specific substantive circumstances outlined in Section 305(3) of the 1999 Constitution (as amended). These conditions include:
- Existence of War or Imminent Invasion – The President may declare a state of emergency if Nigeria is at war or faces an imminent threat of invasion, armed conflict or involved in a state of war.[6]
- Breakdown of Public Order and Safety – If there is an actual or clear and present danger of an actual breakdown of public order or public safety in the federation or any part thereof to the extent that extraordinary measures are necessary to restore security a state of emergency may be declared.[7]
- Disaster or Public Danger – A state of emergency may also be proclaimed in response to natural disasters, environmental crises, or other existential threats to the Federation.[8]
- Request from a State Government – A state of emergency may be declared if the Governor of a State formally requests federal intervention in response to a crisis beyond the state’s capacity to manage.[9]
President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s power to declare a state of emergency in Rivers State finds constitutional justification under Section 305(3)(c) and (d) of the 1999 Constitution (as amended), which provide for such a declaration in instances of actual or imminent breakdown of public order and public safety. The constitutional framework provides that a state of emergency be employed as a mechanism to restore stability when normal state structures are unable to contain a crisis. In the extant case, the President cited rising militant activities, particularly the vandalization of oil pipelines, as well as a severe political crisis between the Governor and the State House of Assembly, which he deemed to have contributed to governance paralysis.
Under Section 305(3)(c), a state of emergency may be declared when public order and safety have already collapsed to a degree requiring extraordinary measures to restore normalcy. Given the security threats posed by militant groups, coupled with the lack of an effective state-led response, it can be argued that the situation met this threshold. Additionally, Section 305(3)(d) permits proactive intervention where there is a clear and present danger of a breakdown of public order and safety, suggesting that even if the crisis had not fully escalated, federal action was warranted to prevent further deterioration.
Even if it is acknowledged that the action of the President constitutes a declaration of a state of emergency, it remains legally inchoate until it receives formal approval through a resolution of the National Assembly.[10] Under the provisions of the 1999 Constitution, the President lacks the unilateral authority to declare a state of emergency.
Impact of declaration of state of emergency on the executive and legislative governance of a state
Conventionally, when the President of the Federation declares a state of emergency, the executive branch of the state comprising primarily the Governor and Deputy Governor along with the legislative arm, the State House of Assembly, is mandated by the President to suspend its authority and, administrators most often military officers are appointed to oversee the affairs of the state until normalcy is restored.
In 1962, the Late Tafawa Balewa, the then Prime Minister of the country, declared a state of emergency to allay the crisis in the Western Region. The region was placed under emergency rule and Dr. Moses Majekodunmi was appointed as administrator.[11] In 2004, former President Olusegun Obasanjo declared a State of Emergency in Plateau State due to the religious killings that occurred in the state. The then governor, Joshua Dariye alongside the State House of Assembly was suspended and Major General Chris Alli was appointed as administrator. In 2006, former President Olusegun Obasanjo declared a state of emergency to contain the political unrest in Ekiti state as a result of the impeachment of Governor Ayo Fayose, and Brigadier Adetunji Olurin was appointed as administrator. Former president Goodluck Ebele Jonathan on the other hand, opted to depart from this precedent and instead retained all the state functionaries when he declared a state of emergency in Borno, Yobe, and Adamawa states in 2013 and 2014. He also followed the same procedure in 2011 when he declared a state of emergency in some local government areas in Borno and Plateau states.[12]
In the extant case, the current President Bola Ahmed Tinubu declared a state of emergency in Rivers state and he temporarily suspended the Governor of the State, Siminalaya Fubara, his deputy Ngozi Odu and the entire members of the Rivers State House of assembly in an attempt to quell the impending violence rising from the escalated tension between the Governor and the State House of Assembly.
The suspension of the executive and legislative arms of the government of Rivers State has given rise to a significant question: whether the President possesses the constitutional authority to suspend an electoral appointed Governor and State House of Assembly and appoint an administrator while exercising the power to declare a state of emergency.
This question has been argued by various constitutional law experts and judicial authorities have delivered nuanced pronunciations on the issue.
Legal professor, Professor Itse Sagay, has stated in his paper that “The whole tenor of section 11 of the Constitution (which is the section containing all the powers exercisable during an emergency shows that an emergency declaration is intended to be a cooperative endeavor between the federal government and state government, whose organs, governors, House of Assembly and judiciary are fully functioning.”[13] He opines that even during a state of emergency, the state’s institution, such as the Governor, House of Assembly, and Judiciary are expected to remain operational rather than being completely suspended or replaced by federal authority in line with section 11 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended).
The Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) the body that houses lawyers in the country in a statement released through its President Mazi Afam Osigwe (SAN), laid its concerns on the suspension of the Governor, Deputy Governor and House of Assembly of Rivers State stating that “The 1999 Constitution does not grant the President the power to suspend or otherwise prevent an elected governor, deputy governor, or members of a state’s legislature from exercising the functions of their offices, under the guise of a state of emergency. Rather, the Constitution provides clear procedures for the removal of a governor and deputy governor as per Section 188. Similarly, the removal of members of the House of Assembly and dissolution of parliament is governed by constitutional provisions and electoral laws, none of which appear to have been adhered to in the present circumstances. These provisions have not been followed in this instance.”[14] The body reiterated that a declaration of emergency does not automatically dissolve or suspend elected state governments, and that the Constitution does not empower the President to unilaterally remove or replace elected officials—such actions amount to an unconstitutional usurpation of power and a fundamental breach of Nigeria’s federal structure.[15]
However, the Attorney General of the Federation (AGF) and Minister of Justice, Lateef Fagbemi held a contrary opinion as regards the suspension of the Governor, Deputy Governor and the members of the House of Assembly of Rivers State. Speaking in defense of President Bola Tinubu’s declaration of a state of emergency, Fagbemi claimed that Fubara not only failed to prevent the attacks but had also indirectly encouraged the militants.[16] He further acknowledged that the National Assembly holds the ultimate authority over the suspension and has the power to either ratify or reject it in which the National Assembly approved days after.
Judicial pronunciations have also been made as regards the suspension of elected members of the government. In Attorney General of the Federation v. Attorney General of Abia State & Ors,[17] the Supreme Court of Nigeria held that the removal of elected chairmen and councilors as well as appointment of sole administrators or caretaker committees by State Governors to run local government councils are illegal and unconstitutional.
In the case of Governor of Ekiti State & Ors. v Olubunmo & Ors,[18] where the then Governor of Ekiti State, Governor Kayode Fayemi dissolved the Local Government Councils, removed the democratically elected Council Chairmen and appointed caretaker committees, Justice C.C Nweke criticized the move stating that “Simply put, therefore, the election of such officials into their offices and their tenure are clothed with constitutional force. They cannot, therefore, be abridged without breaching the constitution from which they derive their force”
Comparative analysis of the implication of declaration of state of emergency on the executive and legislative arm of the state government: case study of the U.S.A and India
United State of America
The United States has remained under a continuous state of emergency since November 1979, when President Jimmy Carter declared a national emergency in response to the Iran hostage crisis and issued an executive order freezing Iranian government assets. Although Iran freed the hostages on Ronald Reagan’s inauguration day in 1981, Reagan extended Carter’s emergency declaration annually throughout his presidency. Subsequent presidents have not only upheld the 1979 emergency but have also introduced numerous additional emergency declarations of their own.[19]
When Donald Trump began his second term on January 20, 2025, the United States had approximately 40 active emergency declarations. On the day of his inauguration, he issued two additional declarations: a national energy emergency and an emergency at the U.S.-Mexico border.[20]
Notably, in the United States, a presidential declaration of a state of emergency has never resulted in the suspension or removal of a state governor, as the federal system preserves state autonomy even in crises. While the President can mobilize federal resources and impose emergency measures, executive authority over state governance remains with the governor of the state.
India
In India, the President can declare a state of emergency under the Constitution, granting broad powers to the central government. Article 352 allows for a National Emergency in cases of war, external aggression, or armed rebellion.[21] The President’s Rule as commonly called, permits the dismissal of a state government if it fails to function constitutionally, transferring executive power to the Governor and dissolving or suspending the state legislature.[22]
Unlike the United States, where emergency powers do not extend to removing state governors, India’s constitutional framework enables direct federal intervention in state governance, often leading to political controversy.
Submission
Under Section 305 of the 1999 Constitution, the President is vested with the constitutional authority to declare a state of emergency in any part of Nigeria when there is a significant breakdown of public order and security. However, this power is not absolute, as it is subject to legislative oversight, requiring approval from the National Assembly to prevent potential executive overreach. The primary objective of this constitutional provision is to preserve national sovereignty and security while ensuring adherence to democratic principles and the rule of law. In the present case, President Tinubu’s declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State is firmly within his constitutionally conferred powers and, therefore, remains legally valid.
A state of emergency permits the Federal Government to deploy security personnel, impose necessary restrictions, and implement emergency measures aimed at restoring stability. Nevertheless, it does not inherently dissolve or suspend the democratic institutions of the affected state, nor does it authorize the removal of duly elected officials who have not been found culpable of any constitutional violation. From this perspective, the suspension of the Governor, Deputy Governor, and the entire membership of the Rivers State House of Assembly by the President constitutes a clear constitutional overreach and a misapplication of the emergency powers granted to the presidency.
The Governor and Deputy Governor of Rivers State are elected representatives with a legitimate constitutional mandate, and their removal or suspension in the context of a state of emergency runs contrary to the fundamental tenets of federalism and the doctrine of separation of powers. The 1999 Constitution does not provide for the appointment of an interim administrator by the President as a substitute for the Governor. Instead, it explicitly outlines the lawful procedures for the removal of state executives, which must be strictly adhered to in accordance with due process.
Likewise, the suspension or dissolution of the Rivers State House of Assembly undermines the principles of representative democracy and constitutional governance. As an independent arm of government, the legislature plays a crucial role in lawmaking and oversight, even in times of crisis. The invocation of a state of emergency should not serve as a pretext for imposing direct federal control or circumventing established constitutional processes. Such an approach not only erodes democratic institutions but also sets a dangerous precedent for executive overreach in Nigeria’s federal structure.
Recommendations
To ensure that the declaration of a state of emergency aligns with constitutional principles and does not undermine Nigeria’s democratic structure, the following recommendations should be considered:
- Adherence to Constitutional Provisions and Federalism
The Federal Government must strictly adhere to the provisions of the 1999 Constitution when exercising emergency powers. While the President has the authority to declare a state of emergency, such measures should be implemented in a manner that respects Nigeria’s federal system and does not usurp the autonomy of state governments. - Non-Suspension of Elected State Officials
The Governor, Deputy Governor, and House of Assembly should not be suspended or removed under the guise of emergency governance. Instead, their roles should be reinforced to ensure that governance continues effectively within the constitutional framework. Any disciplinary measures against elected officials should follow the legal procedures outlined in the Constitution, such as impeachment or judicial processes. - Collaborative Governance During Emergencies
Rather than resorting to direct federal intervention, the Federal Government should prioritize collaboration with state governments to effectively manage crises. This approach should involve enhancing intergovernmental cooperation, providing security support, and strengthening state institutions to address the underlying causes of instability. In the present situation, President Tinubu can take on the role of mediator between Governor Siminalayi Fubara and the Rivers State House of Assembly to facilitate a resolution and ensure the smooth functioning of the state government.
- Judicial Oversight of Emergency Powers
To prevent potential abuses of emergency powers, the judiciary should play an active role in reviewing and interpreting the constitutionality of executive actions during a state of emergency. Courts should provide a check on any attempt to exceed constitutional limits, ensuring that emergency declarations do not infringe upon democratic governance. - Legislative Involvement and Oversight
The National Assembly should not only approve a state of emergency but also actively monitor its implementation. This oversight role will ensure that emergency measures remain proportionate, temporary, and necessary to restore order without overstepping constitutional boundaries.
Conclusion
The declaration of a state of emergency serves as a constitutionally sanctioned tool for responding to significant threats to public order and national security in Nigeria. While Section 305 of the 1999 Constitution empowers the President to implement emergency measures, the exercise of such authority must remain within the boundaries of constitutional provisions, particularly those that uphold democratic governance, federalism, and the separation of powers.
In this context, although President Tinubu’s proclamation of a state of emergency in Rivers State falls within his constitutional mandate, the suspension of the Governor, Deputy Governor, and the State House of Assembly exceeds the permissible scope of executive authority. The Nigerian Constitution does not confer upon the President the unilateral power to remove or suspend duly elected state officials under the pretext of emergency rule. Such actions compromise the independence of state institutions, undermine democratic norms, and weaken the federal structure of governance.
To uphold constitutional integrity, any federal intervention during a state of emergency should be strictly confined to security and administrative measures essential for restoring order, without interfering with the legitimate governance structures of the affected state. The rule of law must remain paramount in the application of emergency powers, ensuring that constitutional democracy is safeguarded even in times of crisis.
By Felicia Ayeomoni for Adeola Oyinlade & Co.
Adeola Oyinlade & Co. is full-service law firm in Nigeria offering legal support to both local and foreign clients in the areas of constitutional and statutory interpretation.
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[1] https://www.reuters.com/world/africa/nigerian-president-declares-state-emergency-oil-producing-rivers-state-2025-03-18/ Accessed 19th of March, 2025.
[2] https://www.liberties.eu/en/stories/state-of-emergency/44692 Accessed 19th of March, 2025.
[3] Section 305 (1) Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended).
[4] Section 305 (2) Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended).
[5] ibid.
[6] Section 305 (3) (a) & (b) Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended).
[7] Section 305 (3) (c) & (d) Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended).
[8] Section 305 (3) (e) & (f) Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended).
[9] Section 305 (3) (g) Constitution of Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended).
[10] https://edojudiciary.gov.ng/wp-content/uploads/2017/07/LEGALITY-OF-THE-PRESIDENTIAL-DECLARATION-OF-A-STATE-OF-EMERGENCY-IN-SOME-STATES-IN-NIGERIA-AND-ITS-IMPLICATION-ON-STATE-GOVERNMENT-FUNCTIONARIES-BY-BRIGHT-E.-ONIHA.pdf Accessed 19th of March, 2025.
[11] https://pmnewsnigeria.com/2025/03/18/nigerias-history-of-crisis-a-timeline-of-state-of-emergency-declarations/
[12] (n 10)
[13] Itse Sagay, “Nigeria: The Unfinished Federal Project”, delivered at the 8th Justice Idigbe Memorial Lecture (University of Benin) 2008, 50.
[14] https://blog.nigerianbar.org.ng/2025/03/18/state-of-emergency-in-rivers-suspension-or-otherwise-summary-removal-of-a-democratically-elected-governor-and-other-elected-officials-is-unconstitutional/ Accessed 19th of March 2025.
[15] Ibid.
[16] https://tribuneonlineng.com/fubaras-suspension-the-ball-is-now-in-the-court-of-national-assembly-agf/ Accessed 19th of March 2025.
[17] (2024) LPELR-62576 (SC).
[18] (2016) LPELR-48040 (SC)
[19] https://www.history.com/news/national-state-of-emergency-us-presidents accessed 19th of March, 2025.
[20] Ibid.
[21] Constitution of India, section 352
[22] Constitution of India, section 356.